When Canary Mission published its report on Zohran Mamdani last fall, the establishment press treated it the way it treats anything that interrupts the official story. They dismissed it as alarmist. Manhattan magazines profiled the candidate as a charming insurgent who liked rent freezes and Bollywood references. The Times produced a feature so long you could have bound it between covers, and it managed to leave out almost everything that mattered.

What mattered was simple, and it was on the public record.

Mamdani had been arrested at an anti-Israel protest in October 2023, while Hamas was still holding hostages and Israeli investigators were still identifying bodies. He had co-founded a Students for Justice in Palestine chapter at Bowdoin. He had written legislation, Not on Our Dime, that targeted pro-Israel charitable organizations. He stood beside Within Our Lifetime, the group whose New York rallies routinely cross from protest into incitement.

These were not personality quirks the press was generous enough to overlook. They were a resume. The press just refused to read it out loud.

The Trojan Horse Worked Because It Was Allowed To

The Democratic Socialists of America figured out the cheat code years ago. Do not build a third party. Hijack the ballot line of the existing one. In a city where Democratic primaries are decided by a few thousand motivated voters in deep-blue districts, you can take a chamber, then a borough, then eventually a mayoralty, by running disciplined cadres while the establishment sleeps through it.

This is the Trojan horse. The outside reads housing justice, free buses, tax the rich. Inside is something else entirely. The national leadership openly cheers Hamas, calls police officers "pigs," and publishes essays with titles like We Do Not Condemn Hamas, and Neither Should You.

You do not have to take our word for it. Take theirs.

Ahmed Husain, of the DSA National Political Committee: "We're inside the home of empire. As Hamas fights there, we fight here." The same Husain, in case the first quote was somehow ambiguous: "You cannot cure empire of bloodlust. You can only kill it."

Mirah Wood, of the DSA International Committee, said the quiet part with the volume turned all the way up: "Death to America. Death to Israel."

Cliff Connolly, also on the NPC, offered the theological version: "The truest Christians on earth are those fighting alongside Hamas and Hezbollah."

These are not anonymous accounts on Telegram. These are the people running the organization that endorsed the man who now runs New York. They have not been disavowed. They have not resigned. They are still there, drafting resolutions, vetting candidates, picking up the pace.

October 7 Was The Test. They Failed It On Camera.

October 7, 2023, should have been a moral clarifier. Twelve hundred people murdered in a single morning. Babies burned in their cribs. Women raped beside the bodies of their friends. Grandparents kidnapped on golf carts. The brutality was so documented, by the perpetrators themselves on GoPros, that even reflexive moral idiots were given a chance to stop and reconsider.

The DSA did not stop. The DSA did not reconsider.

The day after the massacre, while families in Israel were still tracking missing relatives through Telegram channels, DSA's New York chapter promoted an All Out for Palestine rally in Times Square. Speakers mocked the Nova festival victims. Hamas paragliders were celebrated as resistance fighters. The national committee issued a statement that managed to discuss the situation without mentioning the dead, the kidnapped, or the perpetrators by name.

That was not a slip. That was a flag.

Mamdani took the flag and ran with it. He went to the protests. He cheered the chants. He was arrested for blocking traffic in the name of a ceasefire that his own coalition partners had just made structurally impossible.

This is the man who now runs the city.

What The First 100 Days Have Actually Looked Like

So what have we learned since City Hall changed hands?

We have learned that the line about governing for "all New Yorkers" was rhetorical inventory. The hiring spreadsheet reads like a DSA convention floor. Marxist Unity Group veterans are now staffed into policy shops. BDS signatories sit in liaison roles to communities they have publicly demonized. An abolitionist with two decades of anti-police writing now drafts public safety priorities. None of this required a leak. The names are on the press releases.

We have learned that the budget process has a new litmus test. Pro-Israel organizations that have worked with the city for decades, including Holocaust education programs and Jewish family service nonprofits, are suddenly finding their grants under review. Meanwhile, organizations whose leadership has openly called for the destruction of Israel are getting fast-tracked.

We have learned that the NYPD's effective strength is being eroded not through an honest defunding fight, which the public would lose for them in a landslide, but through attrition, transfers, and the slow quiet starvation of specialized units. Hate crime detectives. Intelligence bureau analysts. Counter-terror liaisons. The units that actually keep New York from going up in flames. They are being moved sideways or out.

We have learned, finally, that the DSA's Fighting Anti-Zionist DSA convention resolution was not a slogan they intended to drop once the votes were counted. The resolution required every endorsed politician to back BDS, reject AIPAC, and publicly denounce Zionism. Mamdani signed it. Mamdani complied with it. Mamdani is governing on it.


The Export Model

The other lesson of the first 100 days is that none of this is staying inside the five boroughs.

Omar Fateh's mayoral campaign in Minneapolis treats Mamdani as a template, not an inspiration. Willie Burnley Jr. in Somerville is running on the same playbook with less media discipline. There are early-stage DSA operations in Pittsburgh, Hartford, and at least three California cities watching New York the way venture capitalists watch a successful product launch.

If it works in New York, it ships.

This is the part the editorial boards still refuse to take seriously. They keep treating each city's version as a local quirk, a personality-driven insurgency, a one-off. It is not. It is a deliberate, replicable model with shared funders, shared talent pools, shared messaging shops, and a shared theory of how to take an American city without ever putting the actual program on the ballot.

The Stakes Were Always Civilizational

There is a temptation, watching all of this, to treat it as one more episode in the long American argument over urban governance. It is not.

The DSA's takeover of New York is a project with a stated theory of the case. The United States is an empire in need of dismantling. Its institutions are tools of oppression. The people who slaughtered Israeli civilians on October 7 are not enemies of civilization. They are allies in a shared struggle.

You can read this in their own words. They are not hiding it. They were never hiding it. The only people who pretended otherwise were the people who did not want to know, and the journalists who were paid to help them not know.

New York has run experiments before. Finance, fashion, advertising, tech. Every great American industry passed through this city's grinder and came out either changed or finished. This experiment is different. This one tests whether a great American city can be governed, openly, by people who do not believe in America, and whether the rest of the country will notice in time.

We will keep telling you what we see.

Truth without permission. That's the job.

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DSA is like MAO’s Red Guard, and they just passed 100,000 Members
This Saturday, as an armed man stormed the White House Correspondents’ Dinner and tried to kill the President of the United States, I could not help but think that if this were a dozen IRGC commandos and not a 31-year-old teacher from California, the results could have been very tragic
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